Alper TAN
Tüm YazılarıFor some time, the same sentence has been repeated in different languages and accents around the world: “The international order is collapsing.” What has been called a “rules-based order” was actually a system that gave special advantages to selected countries. Yesterday, only a few people spoke this loudly. Today, the stage is crowded: more and more leaders from Latin America to Asia, Africa, and even within Europe are saying that the system the West called “universal” produces double standards.
There is a reason for this increase: the system promised “security” and “prosperity.” In recent years, however, it has produced more war, sanctions, supply crises, energy shocks, migration, debt traps, and, most importantly, legitimacy loss through Gaza. Criticism has moved from an ideological debate to a “performance review” of the system.
Moreover, the language of criticism is no longer just from the “Global South.” Even countries within the Western alliance now openly talk about how the “order” is a story that disappears at critical moments. Even the Davos stage cannot hide this.
Erdoğan: “Western values are dying in Gaza” and “The World is bigger than Five”
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has long criticized the UN Security Council by saying, “The world is bigger than five.” In the past 1–2 years, his rhetoric became stronger: criticism is no longer just about institutional structure but also targets Western norms. Erdoğan said the UN system and Western values collapsed in Gaza and emphasized that “humanity’s hope for a fairer world has died.”
The strategic move here is clear: Ankara bases the “order debate” on real crises instead of abstract principles. This is rhetorically powerful because people watch the “scene,” not the “text.” On stage, the West speaks of law, but in reality, there is no justice.
Canada: Warning of “breakdown” at Davos
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney became one of the most striking Western leaders at Davos 2026: he said the “rules-based international order” is not transitioning but in a state of “breakdown,” and the old order will not return. More importantly, he openly admitted that the story of this order was “false”: “The strong exempt themselves when convenient.”
This shows that criticism of the order is no longer just coming from Ankara. Even Ottawa, on a global stage like Davos, signals the unsustainability of the US-centered system.
South Africa: “International law cannot be selective”
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa made the issue clear at the 79th UN General Assembly: “International law cannot be applied selectively. No state is more equal than another.” This is the sharpest backbone of the Western order critique: if the rules are not equal for all, the “rules-based order” becomes propaganda.
Malaysia: Anwar Ibrahim and “Selective law is propaganda”
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said in a conference in Kuala Lumpur: “When law is selective, it becomes propaganda… Barbarism returns in modern clothes when power does not explain itself.” He emphasizes that the problem is not just institutions; the relationship between power and law is corrupt.
China: Xi Jinping and “Real multilateralism against hegemony”
China also criticized “Western rules.” Xi Jinping called for opposition to hegemony and power politics and said “global governance is at a crossroads.” Beijing is not very uncomfortable with the West’s power-based system, but now China is unhappy that US tariffs and trade policies break the “rules-based multilateral trade system.” Putin presents BRICS as a platform for a “more democratic, inclusive, multipolar world.”
Europe: Orbán admits “liberal world order is over”
Criticism also comes from inside the West. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán called 2025 the year “the liberal world order ended” and labeled 2026 the “era of nations.” This shows internal division in the West.
UK statesmen: “The old order is complacent”
In the UK, former Prime Minister Gordon Brown warned that thinking the liberal rules-based order will survive is “complacent” and called for a new plan. Even within the West, criticism of the “liberal order” rises.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio says the “rules-based order” should be abandoned. The center that claimed to create the order now calls it a “burden.”
And the words that drive the final nail into the international system’s coffin: “I don’t need international law.”
US President Donald Trump openly declared that he has no limits in words or actions. He said the scope of US international power is “my own morality and my own mind,” adding: “I don’t need international law.”
Five drivers of the growing criticism of the order
The West is stuck; what can Türkiye do?
“The Western system is stuck” is not a wish but a summary of indicators: institutions fail, crises grow, norms weaken, core countries are divided. Orbán’s “liberal order ended,” US voices abandoning rules, and the Global South’s insistence that “law cannot be selective” are pieces of the same picture.
How can a “new order” emerge? Orders are usually built on three things:
Türkiye has advantages in all three:
The critical point: the new order claim must be convincing with institutional proposals, not just slogans. Türkiye can lead by showing consistency in law and fair representation.
Türkiye can build a joint order with Muslim nations and oppressed peoples
What is Türkiye doing?
Ankara, predicting the collapse of the oppressive system, has quietly led critical global activities for about 20 years. Türkiye connects with people, not just governments, in Asia, Africa, Caucasus, Balkans, Middle East, and even South America.
While Western powers ruled through small elites, Türkiye built trust with broad populations. As people gained influence, they created new power centers with Türkiye. This strategy is humanitarian and based on understanding, not dominance.
Türkiye worked with strategic countries like Somalia, Sudan, Qatar, and Pakistan, building military, economic, and humanitarian influence. Initiatives include TIKA, YTB, Diyanet, and IHH projects, Turkish Airlines connections, and investments in Africa and Asia.
Türkiye institutionalized the Organization of Turkic States, achieving centuries-old dreams of “Turkic unity” diplomatically, without conflict. Türkiye also supported peace in the Caucasus, Syria’s freedom, equality for Kurds, and military alliances in Iraq, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon. Relations with Egypt and influence on Israel demonstrate strategic depth.
Türkiye prevented Libya from division, strengthened North African ties, and helped reduce French influence in Africa, creating long-term strategic relationships. Silent operations in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia aim to transform regions politically and socially. Gaza support will shift Middle East balances and global power structures.
Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan says regional trust-building among nations can bring stability and peace without dominance from any country. Uzbekistan’s President Mirziyoyev observes: “Türkiye is becoming a global power,” and Erdoğan adds: “We will mark this century with a Turkish stamp.”
All of this is a carefully prepared, long-term process. Türkiye’s efforts reach a point where even classic global powers struggle. Journalist Roger Boyes noted: “Trump accepted Erdoğan’s realpolitik as HIS OWN LINE.”
Conclusion
The current order’s energy is gone. Everyone waits for a new system.
Türkiye is more than a country; it is a strong, rooted, and capable global actor. Its approach is inclusive, not ethnic-centered, allowing central leadership under a higher vision.
Türkiye’s historic opportunity: In a multipolar world, actors that can produce institutional offers with moral balance will rise. Türkiye, with Muslim nations and oppressed peoples, can lead. It is time to discuss systems, not slogans: peace, justice, representation, trust, consistency, resilience.
January 30, 2026
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