The democratic federalism is resurrected following the generous promise that Kılıcdaroglu (the Chair of Republican People Party) gave in Hakkari (a city in the southeast of Turkey) last week. Klıcdaroglu proclaimed that they would put the European Parliament’s “Condition of Local Administrations and Federalism” full into practice. It is a separate issue how hopeful and to what extent convincing that he quickly came to this point from a standing where he was not even able to pronounce the Kurdish issue.
It is not difficult to see this quick turn as a sign of the rapprochement between CHP (Republican People Party) and BDP (Peace and Democracy Party). In fact, the possibility of acquiring votes from Southeast Anatolia is quite low for CHP because it is not possible for BDP to risk their candidates (wherever they have) and direct their electorate to CHP. However, it can be inferred from the support that BDP gave to CHP in Hakkari and Şırnak meetings that this support will not be limited to the meeting squares but BDP will direct the votes of the electorates in cities where they cannot get deputies to CHP. What can we say? This is politics; everyone will do his calculations and will make preferences among his allies and opponents. In the end, public will make an evaluation of all these alliances.
To return to our, main topic, we should look at the reflection of the demand that BDP named as “democratic federalism” on the Kurdish people. Who will benefit from the federal structure to what extent if it is given to the region? What is the chance of a federal structure the frame of which has been somehow defined to be democratic? As a matter of fact there is an armed organization which has not any rule or ethics or conscience in using the arms in the region at the moment. Federalism means withdrawal of the central authority from the region and it is obvious who will fill the power gap that will come about. Look at the local authority that PKK-KCK-BDP structure established in the region on the public despite of the presence of the central forces.
People are abducted in daylight and are threatened, racketeered and in case of resistance they are killed. An absolute fear factor is created over the artisans in the region by making them shutter. No diversity is tolerated and in the places where the organization is effective the activities of other political parties during the election process are prevented by violence.
Recently, after many attacks with molotovcocktails on the Mustazaf-Der which is an influential structure insisting on civil activities in the region, the vice chair of Yuksekova was killed. An imam was killed after the Morning Prayer for he was said to prevent the recruitment of the youth for the organization via his successful education programs. A few days ago an Imam-Hatip (Religious High School) dormitory was attacked with molotov cocktails and it was nearly burned down with the students in it. People around tried to put out the fire and a great disaster was prevented but three students were burned and wounded
To what extent the “local democracy” is possible against this armed tutelage of the PKK and BDP in the region?
Although no condemnations came from the BDP for all these events, they still try to mix them into the the agitations of the misery of Kurdish people. It is true that Kurdish people are suffering but I am afraid that instead of the oppression of the state there is a more sophisticated oppression awaiting Kurdish people. The basic sociological rule about the condition of feudalism and Asian Mode of Production is that as the central governments get weaker the feudals get stronger. There is no guarantee that the feudal lords will be more humanitarian, fairer, more merciful and democratic than the central government.
We can clearly see the signs of the fact that even if the BDP got the federal structure it will never give even a sniff of the democracy to the Kurds in the region. The candidates that have been nominated for the election are those whom Kurdish people would never feel an organic closeness to. This may be the problem of all parties but we should note that there is no other party so much stuck in claim and demand of “democratic federalism.” For example, Gulten Kısanak who have been nominated for Siirt by the central board of the party doesn’t have any relation and closeness to Siirt. The only word said to the BDP members of Siirt was that “woman quota has been opened for Siirt.” The candidacies of other cities were also similar to that.Thus the pro-BDP public is obliged to elect the candidate recommended from the center as a matter for democratic federalism. Differently from other federalism forms, inability to use the votes in the desirable manner has different sanctions.
Even the demand of democratic federalism by BDP is given there will not be even a minute hearing share of Kurdish population. Ocalan talks about ceasing the bloody armed conflict costing so many lives with just “one word”. Have Kurdish people really put Ocalan, the PKK, BDP or any other person or organization to such a point of absolute authority?
In plain words, Kurdish people will not accept such a humiliating obedience to anyone but the claim of such a strong power over the will of Kurdish people is not different from reconign them as the sharecroppers under feudalism. The democracy that Kurdish people are deemed worthy of is exactly this: “feudalism”. It doesn’t matter whether it is called to be democracy or something else.
Translation: Al-Vanî